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Title: Why Malaysia isn’t afraid of China (for now) [Print this page]

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 08:48 PM
Title: Why Malaysia isn’t afraid of China (for now)
Why Malaysia isn’t afraid of China (for now)

On 26 March 2013, the People’s Liberation Army Navy conducted a major naval exercise in the South China Sea, close to what China calls Zhengmu Reef. News of the exercise would have been lost amid the constant stream of reports on the disputed waters had it not been for the fact that Zhengmu Reef, which is known as Beting Serupai in Malay and James Shoal in English, lies at the southernmost tip of China’s expansive maritime and island claims in the South China Sea. More specifically, it’s some 80 kilometres away from Malaysia and 1,800 kilometres from the Chinese mainland. Rarely have the Chinese made their presence felt at the extremities of their maritime claims in the region. And never have they brought such firepower with them—four vessels led by the PLA Navy’s latest amphibious landing ship, the Jinggangshan.

While serving as a sign of China’s rising assertiveness, the exercise was also notable for the distinct lack of a visible public reaction from Malaysia. Neither the Malaysian Prime Minister nor the Foreign Ministry has made even the most perfunctory statement on the matter. Never mind that a Malaysian naval offshore patrol vessel, the KD Perak, monitored the exercise and issued orders for the PLA Navy to leave the area. And never mind that a standard protest may have been quietly expressed through diplomatic channels. In contrast to how such exercises are greeted in Hanoi and Manila, the Malaysian public response has been a deafening silence. So what explains Malaysia’s muted reaction to this overt demonstration of China’s growing power?

Part of the explanation lies in Malaysia’s perception of its relationship with China. It’s seen as unique—perhaps even deserving the term ‘special’—among those of its neighbours in Southeast Asia. This isn’t to say that Putrajaya sees itself as having the most intimate of ties with Beijing, and there’s little doubt that Cambodia and Myanmar have closer political relations with China. Nor does it mean that nobody in Malaysia sees China as a potential long-term security challenge. As one might expect, there are some within the Malaysian Armed Forces who observe China’s military build-up with a degree of unease.

But there’s certainly a sense that Malaysia and China have implicitly agreed to pay heed to each other’s legitimate interests and go to extra lengths to avoid playing out their disputes through the media. Furthermore, there’s a perception, at least on the Malaysian side, that the relationship is highly prized and historically significant.

That significance derives from the establishment of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and the People’s Republic of China in 1974. Indeed, Malaysia was the first member state of ASEAN—which then also comprised Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand—to have formal relations with China. At a time when Malaysia and many other ASEAN member states had to contend with communist insurgencies—all backed in varying degrees by Beijing—a rapprochement with China should have been unthinkable. Nonetheless, the Malaysian prime minister at the time, Tun Abdul Razak, moved to establish relations with China, partly in the hope that Beijing would stop supporting the insurgent Communist Party of Malaya (CPM). Beijing didn’t immediately accede to Tun Razak’s request, but by the late 1970s it was gradually being met.

Whether or not Tun Razak’s overtures were instrumental in Beijing’s subsequent curtailment of its support for the CPM can certainly be disputed. Given that the late 1970s saw the beginnings of China’s reform and opening up, a more accommodating posture towards its neighbours could well have been expected in any event.

But in Malaysia, ‘Razak to China’ continues to be regarded as a signal event in the country’s diplomatic history. It’s a notion that China seems keen to perpetuate, and that suits Malaysia just fine. For instance, whenever Malaysian officials visit China—even to the most remote parts of the country—Chinese officials rarely neglect to thank Malaysia for being the first ASEAN member state to establish diplomatic relations with China. While it’s likely that such sentiments are expressed on instructions from Beijing, they nevertheless generate a positive atmosphere for interactions between the two countries. They also serve to underscore the idea that China has a long memory, that it never forgets kindnesses (or injuries, for that matter).

All of this might be read cynically as a capitulation to China’s growing might and a naive acceptance of its diplomatic rhetoric. But would it make sense for Malaysia to adopt a more muscular approach towards China?

It’s hard to argue that it would, at least for now. In general, China’s treated Malaysia with kid gloves on their overlapping maritime claims. Unlike in the case of the Philippines and Vietnam, China hasn’t publicly objected to Malaysia’s oil and gas explorations in the South China Sea. Looking at the bigger picture, China is Malaysia’s largest trading partner, and no other Southeast Asian country trades as much with China as Malaysia does. In 2012, the Chinese Embassy in Kuala Lumpur was the second-largest issuer of Chinese visas in the world. Given the intensity and benefits of the relationship, it hardly makes sense for Malaysia to depart from its current policy, which puts a premium on quiet diplomacy with China.

Nonetheless, Malaysia’s unlikely to allow itself to become so overwhelmed by China that its independence of action in the international arena is stymied. In other words, Malaysia will hedge against becoming ‘Finlandised’ by China. This primarily takes the form of Malaysia’s strong and growing defence relationship with the US. The burgeoning defence ties between the two countries are perhaps best illustrated by the increasing number of US naval ship visits to Malaysia, which grew from single digits annually in the previous decade to over 30 in 2011.

Even so, there are distinct limits to the relationship between Malaysia and the US. Washington remains deeply unpopular, or is at least viewed with suspicion, among significant sections of Malaysia’s Muslim-majority population. The invasion of Iraq in 2003 and Washington’s continuing failure to act as an impartial broker in the Palestinian–Israeli peace process have served to entrench a negative view of the US among some Malaysians. So seriously does the Malaysian Government view such sentiments that few details of the 1984 Bilateral Training and Consultative Group (BITACG) Agreement, which underpins the defence relationship between Malaysia and the US, have ever been made public.

But might those limits in the Malaysia–US relationship be eroded over time, perhaps as China’s might increases? For now, there seems to be very little appetite in Malaysia for a hard balancing approach. Rightly or wrongly, the Malaysian foreign policy establishment continues to view China in positive terms. Even as Malaysia heads towards a highly competitive general election on 5 May, none of the political parties has thus far made even the barest mention of the Zhengmu Reef incident. It’s as if the Malaysia–China relationship’s been placed in a special, politicisation-resistant category. Clearly, the benefits of a strong and close relationship with China remain irresistible.

So, for now, Malaysian leaders will continue to embrace China’s rise and give it the benefit of the doubt. They’ll continue to downplay regional anxieties about China’s military build-up. But if China decides that amphibious landing ships are the best tools to resolve disputes, Malaysia may well need to rethink its present approach.

Shahriman Lockman is a Senior Analyst in the Foreign Policy and Security Studies program at ISIS in Malaysia. Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

A version of this article was originally published in the April 2013 edition of OrrizonteCina, a newsletter on contemporary China edited by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and the Torino World Affairs Institute (T.wai).

Source:
http://www.aspistrategist.org.au ... d-of-china-for-now/

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:01 PM
Xi Jinping and the Sabah enigma

Sabah is located at the centre of maritime Southeast Asia.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has been a busy man of late. Fresh from a whirlwind tour of central Asian states and international summits in September, he’s been on the road again—this time to Southeast Asia.

The Southeast Asian tour included official visits to Indonesia and Malaysia and the APEC conference in Bali. Xi signed economic agreements with Indonesia and Malaysia, while stressing the resurgence of a ‘Maritime Silk Road.’ Rhetoric of shared prosperity, growing mutual trade and ‘win-win’ situations was accompanied by a proposal for an Infrastructural Development Bank, all of which we were told would contribute to a new ‘diamond decade’ in China–ASEAN relations.

Everything seems to have gone according to plan in Southeast Asia. But did it?

Let’s return to late August this year. After a meeting with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi in Beijing, Malaysian Foreign Minister Anifah Aman announced that Xi would visit Malaysia in October, spending 4–5 October in Kuala Lumpur and 5–6 October in Sabah. The planned visit was reported in the Malaysian press and the Sabah Chinese community began anxiously preparing for the occasion. However, cancellation of the Sabah visit was informally announced on 6 October, without explanation.

An enigma, indeed! Malaysia doesn’t encourage any visiting dignitary to travel to the Bornean states, and given that the programme was announced after talks in Beijing, it seems a reasonable assumption that the proposed visit was a PRC suggestion. But to what end was the visit proposed and why was it cancelled? We don’t have answers to these questions, but we can extrapolate on the basis of two factors—the sensitivity of Sabah for the Malaysian government and the potential importance of Sabah for the Chinese government.

The fragility of the Malaysian state isn’t always recognised. It’s only 50 years old, cobbled together in 1963 by a decolonising British Empire by bringing together the states and settlements of the peninsula with the state of Singapore (later expelled) and a number of British-associated territories in the north of Borneo. It was an unexpected nation, but it made sense from a British perspective in a Cold War context, as it constituted an anti-Communist bulwark in the middle of Southeast Asia between China and Indonesia.

Sabah, one of the two Bornean states shoehorned into Malaysia in 1963, remains an extremely sensitive part of the country. Malaysia has assumed the obligations of the former British North Borneo Company and continues to pay the heirs of the Sultanate of Sulu a recompense of 5,000 ringgit annually. In addition, the Philippines reasserted its claim to Sabah as recently as 2011 and in early 2013, there was a bloody stand-off between more than 100 Sulu people and Malaysian forces, over a territorial claim to the area. On the Sabah maritime borders, the overlapping South China Sea claims provide an even more complicating environment. There are also internal Christian-Muslim tensions.

Given these conditions, why then would the President of China have planned to spend half of his official visit to Malaysia in Sabah? Initial plans were apparently for him to open a Chinese consulate, a Chinese bank and a Confucius Institute in the state capital Kota Kinabalu. The Chinese Consul-General in Kuching, Li Shugang, has suggested that China’s activities in the area will double if a consulate is opened in Sabah. At the same time, the Sabah government is actively promoting PRC investment in the state and business migrant delegations from China are being feted. Former PRC foreign minister Yang Jiechi visited Sabah in August last year to boost Chinese investment in infrastructure, palm oil processing and agriculture.

Even without a consulate, Chinese tourism to the area has boomed, with probably 300,000 PRC tourists expected to arrive in Sabah this year, on charter flights, which have increased by 90% over a year. The PRC naval training ship Zheng He has also just made a visit to Sabah.

But the most important role Sabah can play in China’s plans for the future derives from its location as the precise centre of maritime Southeast Asia. Given China’s claims to the majority of the South China Sea and its overall blue-water naval aspirations, a naval base located in Sabah would allow it unparalleled access to the South China Sea and to Southeast Asia more generally.

This could occur by way of joint economic and defence agreements. At the recent 16th ASEAN–China Summit, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang urged bilateral joint development of South China Sea areas commonly claimed. Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak agreed that such discussions could be pursued. Also, after meeting PM Najib, Xi Jinping reported: ‘We have agreed to strengthen our partnership with naval defense, joint military exercises to combat terrorism, transnational crime and promote security. This will create a sound environment for peace and the prosperity of both countries.’ Any such joint defence arrangements or military activities may well include naval facilities in Sabah.

And longer-term possibilities and calculations shouldn’t be excluded. The relations between Kuala Lumpur and the Bornean states have always been fractious and the incongruousness of having two parts of a nation divided by ethnicity, economic interests, perceptions of exploitation, and by a huge swathe of sea is increasingly apparent.

It’s not difficult to imagine a situation where the existing cleavage between the peninsular and Bornean states of Malaysia widens to a degree where any existing national unity dissolves. If that happened, any entity with established economic interests and political links with Sabah would be well-positioned, and could provide any new state with economic benefits far beyond those which Kuala Lumpur currently assigns it. The stationing of naval forces would then be a matter of formality.

As we ponder the reasons behind the planning and then the cancellation of President Xi’s visit to Sabah, both the domestic situation of Sabah within Malaysia and China’s aspirations within Southeast Asia are informative. The complexities of the Sabah situation, historical and otherwise, also suggest that this former backwater of Southeast Asia will not long remain in the shadows and will likely soon become a rather prominent pawn in the global competition within Southeast Asia.

Geoff Wade researches China–Southeast Asia relations. He developed the China–ASEAN and China–India Projects at the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong and subsequently worked with the Southeast Asia–China Cluster of the Asia Research Institute, Singapore.

Source:
http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/xi-jinping-and-the-sabah-enigma/

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:02 PM
Reader response: Chinese military bases in Malaysia

I think Geoff Wade has overstated China’s interest in Sabah and Malaysia’s willingness to work militarily with a big power such as China.

Except for its traditional allies (US, UK, Australia, NZ & Singapore), I’d find it unimaginable for any other power such as China to have close defence ties with Malaysia for four main reasons.

The first is historical: Malaysia is firmly in the US orbit, and moving even closer now under the Najib administration. Malaysia votes with the United States at least 85% of the time at the UN, and in recent years has moved away from its ‘hybrid neutrality’, towards a more pronounced support of the US (eg. voting to sanction Iran).

Second, there’s an ideological challenge. Despite recognising China, Malaysia still views communism as a threat. The communist ideology is an anathema to many Malaysians, especially Muslims. As well, the bitter experience of conflict between the Malayan Communist Party and the Allied forces (including Malaysians) during the Malayan Emergency of the 1950s is still very much alive among many Malaysians. In fact, the ruling party is regularly criticised by the opposition for this ‘hypocritical stance’ of banning the ideology, but having close ties with CPC at the political level.

Third, precisely because of the political and social cleavages Geoff identifies, the central government won’t allow any other force (except for its allies) to have a military presence in Sabah, for fear of providing any incentive to the state powers who may have remote thoughts of seceding.

But all the same, any credible politician, both the ruling party and opposition parties in Sabah, has no interest in secession from Malaysia. While East Malaysian politicians from all side of the divide want a better deal for their states, there’s no talk whatsoever of secession. They may want Chinese investment and tourism, but certainly not Chinese military presence.

Defence is a central government purview, and hence state governments will have no or little say in Malaysia’s defence relationships. Deep defence relationships like a shared naval base is an unlikely step: while there are issues of piracy and terrorism, Malaysia will most likely prefer other forms of collaboration (joint patrols, sharing of intelligence, etc.).

And finally, to make it implausible, I think all the ASEAN nations (except for some of the smaller states such as Laos) want to avoid big power competition in the region. I don’t think any ASEAN member state will want any Chinese military presence in ASEAN’s neighbourhood, including Malaysia. I don’t see Malaysia jeopardising its (and ASEAN’s) long-standing policy of avoiding big power competition in the region.

While ASEAN wants to work with China to find ways to resolve disputes in the South China Seas, allowing China military bases in the region isn’t likely to be one of them.

Greg Lopez is a visiting fellow at the Department of Political and Social Change, Australian National University. Image courtesy of Wikipedia.

Source:
http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/reader-response-chinese-military-bases-in-malaysia/

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:05 PM
China and Malaysia To Hold Maritime Exercises: What Gives?

China and Malaysia will conduct their first military exercises next year.

In a somewhat novel maritime development in the South China Sea, China and Malaysia have agreed to hold joint military exercises next year, following up on a Memorandum of Understanding the two signed in 2005. The exercises were confirmed by Malaysian defense minister Hishammuddin Hussein towards the end of October. The two states formally held their first defense and security consultation in Kuala Lumpur in late 2012.

Despite the vagueness of the statement, Hishammuddin confirmed that the exercises would contain a strong maritime element. Beyond the fact that the drills are planned for next year, there are no details about their scope, location, or which military branches will participate. According to Defense News, Hishamuddin invited his Chinese counterpart, General Chang Wanquan, "to visit the Malaysian naval base of Mawilla 2 in the South China Sea on the island of Borneo.”

The announcement came just two weeks after reports that Malaysia would establish a marine corps and a naval base close to the James Shoal, which in waters in the South China Sea (SCS) claimed by both China and Malaysia. According to IHS Jane’s Defence Weekly, the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN) is expected to set up a base at Bintulu in the South China Sea "to protect the surrounding area and oil reserves.”

The James Shoal – 60 nautical miles from this location – was the site of a PLAN exercise in March 2013. Janes cites that exercise as an example of "China asserting its claims to most of the SCS.” It continues that the marine corps announcement "follows a number of unpublicised incursions by Chinese naval and maritime surveillance forces into Malaysian waters off East Malaysia and the Malaysian portion of the Spratly Islands.”

In a piece written in March 2013, appearing in the Australian Strategic Policy Institute’s blog The Strategist, Shahriman Lockman underscored the muted Malaysia reaction to China’s exercise at the James Shoal. Lockman said, "the exercise was also notable for the distinct lack of a visible public reaction from Malaysia. Neither the Malaysian Prime Minister nor the Foreign Ministry has made even the most perfunctory statement on the matter. Never mind that a Malaysian naval offshore patrol vessel, the KD Perak, monitored the exercise and issued orders for the PLA Navy to leave the area. And never mind that a standard protest may have been quietly expressed through diplomatic channels.”

In Lockman’s analysis, Malaysia is somewhat of an exceptional case in ASEAN vis-à-vis China on security matters owing to its historical significance, among other factors. On defense issues, the two have pledged to establish high-level cooperation since 2000, when they signed a long-term cooperative framework agreement. Southeast Asia expert and fellow Flashpoints columnist, Carl Thayer writes that the agreement "included a defense clause calling for an exchange program of high-level visits, study tours, seminars, ship visits, and cooperation in training, research and development, and intelligence sharing. In addition, the agreement also called for cooperation between national defense industries to include reciprocal visits, exhibitions, seminars and workshops to explore the possibility of joint or co-production projects.” Thayer notes that China and Malaysia conduct bilateral relations on the level of “strategic partners."

Xi Jinping has also talked of establishing a “maritime silk road” with ASEAN states – a proposal that was met with considerable skepticism across Southeast Asia given the scope of territorial disputes with China in the SCS. Xi’s proposal is expected to direct Chinese attention and investment towards establishing "a web of trade links and better connectivity between ports and maritime co-operation.” The move to conduct maritime exercises with Malaysia may be an attempt to foment the latter – Xi and Li, during their recent visits to Southeast Asia, did emphasize the concept quite a bit.

The decision to conduct these exercises also flies in the face of ASEAN’s strategy against China. The ten-member body has been trying to present a united front against China, which is perceived as a regional “bully” by some. The Diplomat was unable to determine if the decision to follow-up on the 2005 MOU on Defense Cooperation was initiated by the Chinese side or the Malaysia side. The reaction from other ASEAN states to the decision is sure to be negative, especially considering the very recent flare-ups of maritime disputes between China, Vietnam, and the Philippines. At this point, it's anyone's guess if Malaysia and China are maritime partners or competitors in the South China Sea.

Source:
http://thediplomat.com/2013/11/c ... ercises-what-gives/

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:07 PM
Chinese, Malaysian armed forces vow to enhance cooperation

2013-12-24
Editor: Mo Hong'e

Chinese Defense Minister Chang Wanquan met on Tuesday with Chief of Malaysian Armed Forces Zulkifeli Mohd. Zin, pledging to further enhance pragmatic cooperation and exchanges between armed forces of the two countries.

China and Malaysia share long-term traditional friendship, said Chang.

The two countries have upgraded their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership, he said, calling on the two armed forces to take this as an opportunity to strengthen cooperation and make positive contributions to safeguarding the common interests of both sides as well as regional peace and stability.

China and Malaysia upgraded bilateral ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership during Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Malaysia in October.

Zulkifeli said Malaysia attaches great importance to developing military relations with China.

He reaffirmed Malaysia's willingness to strengthen bilateral military ties and promote pragmatic cooperation between the two armed forces.

Source:
http://www.ecns.cn/military/2013/12-24/94064.shtml

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:09 PM
China, Malaysia eye closer military cooperation

2013-12-25
Editor: Mo Hong'e

China and Malaysia on Tuesday agreed to strengthen military cooperation through joint drills and exchanges between the two naval forces.

During the talks with Chief of Malaysian Armed Forces Zulkifeli Mohd. Zin, Chief of General Staff of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) Fang Fenghui said the two armed forces have conducted fruitful cooperation in areas such as exchange of high-level visits, personnel training and exchange of visits of naval vessels.

China would like to lift bilateral military ties to a new height through joint drills, military education and exchanges between the two navies, said Fang.

Zulkifeli said Malaysia attaches great importance to the military ties with China, adding that the Malaysian side is ready to forge ahead the relationship.

The two sides also have an in-depth exchange of views on the issue of the South China Sea.

Source:
http://www.ecns.cn/military/2013/12-25/94143.shtml

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:12 PM
Police seek to expand jurisdiction over Malaysia waters, says Ahmad Zahid

PUTRAJAYA, Dec 17 — The Royal Malaysia Police has asked the government to review the area under its jurisdiction so as to also cover the country’s waters up to five nautical miles, said Home Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.

He said the area was now under the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency (MMEA) which took over from the Marine Police the role of policing the waters up to 12 nautical miles in 2011.

This request was not to sideline the role of the MMEA, but to facilitate arrests and implement enforcement measures up to five nautical miles of the nation’s waters, he said.

“It is to expand the area of responsibility of the police, with the area beyond five nautical miles to come under the jurisdiction of the MMEA and beyond that, to the navy,” he told reporters after the outgoing ambassador of China to Malaysia Datuk Chai Xi called on him here today.

Earlier, at a media conference with Chai Xi, Ahmad Zahid (picture) said his discussions with the envoy also touched on plans to send Malaysian officers to China for training in the gathering and analyses of intelligence information.

The minister said they shared the opinion that close Malaysia-China cooperation had long been established and the current second stage of cooperation also covered efforts to send Malaysian officers, possibly from the immigration department or police, to get more exposure in China.

He said the government was also considering the purchase of equipment or assets from China for use by enforcement agencies under the Home Ministry.

“China has a defence and security industry from which we can learn. At this early stage, maybe we can use sophisticated equipment in Malaysia, such as the high definition closed circuit television which can be stationed at several hot spots,” he said.

Zahid said several other areas of cooperation were also discussed and planned for implementation in conjunction with the 40th anniversary of Malaysia-China diplomatic relations on May 31 next year.

— Bernama

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 09:31 PM

On 26 March 2013, the People’s Liberation Army Navy conducted a major naval exercise in the South China Sea, close to what China calls Zhengmu Reef. News of the exercise would have been lost amid the constant stream of reports on the disputed waters had it not been for the fact that Zhengmu Reef, which is known as Beting Serupai in Malay and James Shoal in English, lies at the southernmost tip of China’s expansive maritime and island claims in the South China Sea. More specifically, it’s some 80 kilometres away from Malaysia and 1,800 kilometres from the Chinese mainland. Rarely have the Chinese made their presence felt at the extremities of their maritime claims in the region. And never have they brought such firepower with them—four vessels led by the PLA Navy’s latest amphibious landing ship, the Jinggangshan.

While serving as a sign of China’s rising assertiveness, the exercise was also notable for the distinct lack of a visible public reaction from Malaysia. Neither the Malaysian Prime Minister nor the Foreign Ministry has made even the most perfunctory statement on the matter.

Of course there was no reaction from Malaysia. Why would the malaysian govt make any statement every time the chinese navy make an imaginary exercise ?

Where is proof that the pussy chinese navy got to james shoal ?
Show some hard evidence. And forget about that stupid chinese propaganda video.

James shoal is completely underwater.

By displaying video of chinese marines landing on some island purported to be james shoal , the chinese navy only implicated themselves as myopic illiterates on top of being demented chicken shit

Author: robotech Time: 31-12-2013 09:38 PM

BotakChinPeng posted on 31-12-2013 09:31 PM
Of course there was no reaction from Malaysia. Why would the malaysian govt make any statement eve ...

There's reasons why people don't take you seriously. Stands to reasons people take your statements with grain of salt. Seriously, atleast contribute something rather than propagandatastic rhetorics of old.

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 09:42 PM
chinese navy ships only dare enter territorial water of other countries such as viernam, philippines, indonesia.

When it comes to Malaysia the chinese only send plane loads of their women to provide pleasure for malaysian men

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 09:47 PM

robotech posted on 31-12-2013 09:38 PM
There's reasons why people don't take you seriously. Stands to reasons people take your statements ...

James Shoal is comletely below water.

The chinese navy just got caught bullshitting.

Too bad

Author: AdamBillionaire Time: 31-12-2013 09:49 PM
kesimpulannya kak rosmah comel

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:01 PM

Never mind that a Malaysian naval offshore patrol vessel, the KD Perak, monitored the exercise and issued orders for the PLA Navy to leave the area.

I'm sorry but "never mind" is just not good enough.

Got to furnish solid evidence

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:04 PM

robotech posted on 31-12-2013 09:38 PM
There's reasons why people don't take you seriously. Stands to reasons people take your statements ...

There's reasons why people don't take you seriously.

Am I supposed to care ?

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:06 PM
Why malaysia is not afarid of china for now ?

Because the malaysan air force could still repel a full scale attack by the chinese air force for now

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:10 PM

robotech posted on 31-12-2013 09:05 PM
China and Malaysia To Hold Maritime Exercises: What Gives?

China and Malaysia will conduct their ...

And never mind that a standard protest may have been quietly expressed through diplomatic channels.”

"Never mind"...."may have"....."never mind"...... "may have" .....

This Shahriman Lockman is pathetic

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:43 PM
Duh,
Malaysian govt did not issue any statement because they never bother commenting on cheapskate chinese navy delusions.

Figure it out

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:54 PM

robotech posted on 31-12-2013 09:05 PM
China and Malaysia To Hold Maritime Exercises: What Gives?

China and Malaysia will conduct their ...

” It continues that the marine corps announcement "follows a number of unpublicised incursions by Chinese naval and maritime surveillance forces into Malaysian waters off East Malaysia and the Malaysian portion of the Spratly Islands.”

Got any proof ?

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 10:56 PM
Janes Defence publications is a joke.

These are the same idiots who said Malaysian MiG-29s were all going to be placed in storage several years ago

Author: spiderman80 Time: 31-12-2013 11:09 PM
The legendary man with special hole with frequent PMS talks shit again with wild imaginary facts of his own world. Again I would like to ask this denial-live in his own world sucker, ''Ko datang bulan lagi kah?''

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 11:30 PM
After KD Pari chased away a chinese navy frigate a few years ago china never dare trespass into Malaysian territory again

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 11:30 PM

AdamBillionaire posted on 31-12-2013 09:49 PM
kesimpulannya kak rosmah comel

Huhuhuhuu

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 11:30 PM
Whatever soverignty stele placed by the chinese at james shoal were dropped by their merchant ships on their way to or from Sarawak

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 11:30 PM

spiderman80 posted on 31-12-2013 11:09 PM
The legendary man with special hole with frequent PMS talks shit again with wild imaginary facts of ...

You having your period again dude ? Go argue with your legendary man some place else

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 31-12-2013 11:31 PM
Even a chinese frigate fear a malaysian FAC-G like the KD Pari
Last edited by BotakChinPeng on 31-12-2013 11:42 PM

Author: spiderman80 Time: 31-12-2013 11:45 PM

BotakChinPeng posted on 31-12-2013 11:30 PM
You having your period again dude ? Go argue with your legendary man some place else

Oh.... you appeared to be the sucker?

Author: robotech Time: 1-1-2014 01:03 AM
Seriously though, just put on the /ignore/ button when Botak's /rantmode/ is in full mode.

Not worthwhile, really.

Author: spiderman80 Time: 1-1-2014 02:19 AM

robotech posted on 1-1-2014 01:03 AM
Seriously though, just put on the /ignore/ button when Botak's /rantmode/ is in full mode.

Not wo ...

I agree with you. He only talks shit. He's a frog under a coconut shell.

Author: JantanLombok Time: 1-1-2014 08:29 AM

Buatlah musuh kamu merasa comfortable sebagai teman dan pada saat yang sama anda menduduki wilayah mereka satu persaru - Sun Tzu

Untuk memprediksi perilaku strategis Cina di masa depan di kawasan Asia Pasifik, perlu ditinjau secara seksama perilaku strategis Beijing di masa lalu. Adapun rentang waktunya adalah sejak 1949 hingga saat ini atau sejak berdirinya rezim komunis di Cina yang menggusur Kuomintang ke Taiwan. Senantiasa akan ditemukan benang merah perilaku strategis Cina di masa lalu, di masa kini dan di masa yang akan datang.
Salah satu temuan dalam tinjauan terhadap perilaku strategis Cina adalah negeri itu gemar untuk melakukan ekspansi wilayah demi menjamin keamanannya. Ekspansi wilayah itu dapat dilihat di wilayah perbatasan dengan India, di mana sebelum rezim komunis berkuasa Peking tak memiliki perbatasan langsung dengan New Delhi. Setelah Cina menginvasi Tibet pada 1950, mulailah era di mana Cina mengklaim dan menguasai sejumlah wilayah India yang berdasarkan perjanjian Inggris-Tibet di masa lalu diakui sebagai wilayah milik negeri Sungai Gangga. Bahkan kini Cina pun mengklaim negara bagian Arunachal Pradesh sebagai wilayahnya. Klaim itu terkait dengan kepentingan Beijing untuk "menstabilkan" Tibet yang terus bergolak setelah dicaplok pada 1950.

Kalau mengacu pada perilaku strategis Cina di daratan, sangat terang benderang dan jelas kalau Beijing hobi mencaplok wilayah negara lain demi kepentingan keamanannya. Singkatnya, Cina ingin membentuk perimeter keamanan yang jauh dari wilayahnya dan salah satu untuk mewujudkannya adalah melalui klaim dan merebut wilayah negara lain. Pola serupa juga terjadi pada domain maritim.

Cina sejak akhir Perang Dunia Kedua telah mengklaim wilayah Laut Cina Selatan lewat nine dash line. Klaim yang diawali oleh Republik Cina itu kemudian diteruskan secara asertif oleh Republik Rakyat Cina. Beijing mendasarkan klaimnya pada sejarah masa lalu dan juga kemudian UNCLOS 1982. Padahal apabila mengacu pada UNCLOS, wilayah berdaulat Cina hanya akan sampai 200 mil laut dari daratan utama negeri itu.

Dalam rangka mendukung klaim berdasarkan nine dash line, taktik yang digunakan oleh Cina adalah merebut dan menduduki pulau, karang dan atol yang ada di Laut Cina Selatan. Vietnam dan Filipina telah menjadi korban dari taktik Cina itu sejak 1970-an hingga saat ini. Apabila pulau, karang dan atol itu sudah direbut dan diduduki, kemudian Beijing akan membuat klaim berdasarkan UNCLOS 1982 guna menegaskan kebenaran nine dash line. Dengan kata lain, Cina tak menerapkan perhitungan ZEE dari daratan utamanya, tetapi dari wilayah-wilayah yang berhasil dicaplok dari Hanoi dan Manila di Laut Cina Selatan.

Author: alphawolf Time: 5-1-2014 08:27 AM

BotakChinPeng posted on 31-12-2013 09:31 PM
Of course there was no reaction from Malaysia. Why would the malaysian govt make any statement eve ...

please check what shoal means in this context, will you?

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 5-1-2014 12:08 PM

alphawolf posted on 5-1-2014 08:27 AM
please check what shoal means in this context, will you?

Its the spineless chinese navy who should have checked what shoal means in this context before they fabricated that wacky fairy tale of landing marines on something below water.

Photo of James Shoal from HoangSa.org

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 5-1-2014 12:14 PM
All other photos of James Shoal displayed online before March 2013 showed the same thing. James shoal being completeley submerged.

Dated 2011-04-20

http://dkovo.blog.163.com/blog/static/33235650201132043545663/

Dated 2010-10-11

http://blog.sinovision.net/home. ... o=blog&id=41222

Author: zainmahmud Time: 5-1-2014 07:24 PM
China: PLA Navy amphibious task force reaches Malaysia ‘to defend South China sea’
Posted: March 27, 2013 | Author: chankaiyee2 | Filed under: Uncategorized | Tags: amphibious task force, Brunei, China, Chinese navy, Greg Torode, James Shoal, Malaysia, nine-dash line, the Jinggangshan |Leave a comment » Rate This

Chinese Navy’s amphibious landing ship Jinggangshan is seen during a training with a hovercraft in waters near Hainan Province on March 20, 2013. Photo: Xinhua

Chinese navy vessels at James Shoal yesterday. Photo: SCMP Pictures
A Chinese amphibious task force sparks jitters around the region by reaching the southernmost waters of its claimed domain

A fully equipped PLA amphibious task force has reached China’s southernmost claimed possession in the South China Sea in an unprecedented show of force that is raising eyebrows across the region.

The four-ship flotilla headed by the landing ship Jinggangshan visited James Shoal – some 80 kilometres from Malaysia, less than 200 kilometres from Brunei and 1,800 kilometres from the mainland coast – close to the outer limits of China’s “nine-dash line”, by which it lays claim to virtually the entire South China Sea.

A Xinhua report yesterday described marines and crew gathering on the deck of the Jinggangshan – one of the PLA Navy’s three 200-metre landing ships – to pledge to “defend the South China Sea, maintain national sovereignty and strive towards the dream of a strong China”.

“It was a surprisingly strong message in sending out this task force, on such a new operational role from previous PLAN [PLA Navy] patrols in the region,” said Gary Li, a senior analyst with IHS Fairplay in London.

“It is not just a few ships here and there, but a crack amphibious landing ship carrying marines and hovercraft and backed by some of the best escort ships in the PLAN fleet,” he said, adding that jet fighters had also been used to cover the task force.

“We’ve never seen anything like this that far south in terms of quantity or quality … it is hard to know whether it is just coincidence, but it does seem to reflect [President] Xi Jinping’s desire for more practical operationally based exercises.”

The landing ships are considered some of the most sophisticated vessels in the PLA and are thought to be key to any strategy to invade Taiwan. Their deployments are closely watched by regional rivals. The first of the landing ships, Kunlunshan, has been used in anti-piracy work off the Horn of Africa.

Photos circulating on mainland websites show marines storming beaches, backed by hovercrafts and helicopters dispatched from the Jinggangshan during several days of exercises that saw them visit all of China’s holdings in the Spratly Islands.

The PLA took six Spratlys reefs and shoals from Vietnam in a sea battle 25 years ago this month.

The ships are due to head back north, crossing into the western Pacific for further drills via the Bashi channel between Taiwan and the Philippines, Xinhua said.

News of the Jinggangshan’s appearance off James Shoal last night sparked chatter among military officials in the region.

“That is quite a show of sovereignty – an amphibious task force,” said one military attaché monitoring developments. “It has got everyone talking.

“The Spratlys is one thing, but turning up at James Shoal is quite another. Once again, China is showing it is quite unafraid to send a message to the region – and in a year when Asean is chaired by Brunei, turning up down there in such a fashion is pretty strong symbolism.”

PLA deployments into the South China Sea in 2009 and 2010 sparked fears across the region of a new assertiveness by Beijing. Those concerns in turn prompted fresh moves by several Southeast Asian nations to force the long-simmering South China Sea dispute back on to the regional agenda – and forge closer ties with the US

Source: SCMP Chief Asia Correspondent Greg Torode’s column article on March 27 “PLA Navy amphibious task force reaches Malaysia ‘to defend South China sea’”

For Youtube video’s CCTV footage of Kunlunshan, a PLA Navy amphibious landing ship similar in model to Jinggangshan, please visit SCMP website at:

http://www.scmp.com/news/asia/ar ... shoal-near-malaysia Last edited by zainmahmud on 5-1-2014 07:36 PM

Author: zainmahmud Time: 5-1-2014 07:30 PM
Yg hovercraft landing bagai tu bukan di james shoal, tapi terumbu2 lain di spratly yg china dah amik. Yg di james shoal tu depa kata depa berbaris atas kapal tu aja. Last edited by zainmahmud on 5-1-2014 07:34 PM

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 5-1-2014 09:06 PM

zainmahmud posted on 5-1-2014 07:24 PM
China: PLA Navy amphibious task force reaches Malaysia ‘to defend South China sea’
Posted: March ...

Those pictures and story proves what ?

Just about any country on earth can publish a photo of their warships and say it was taken at James Shoal

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 5-1-2014 09:10 PM
This is the link to the aerial view of James Shoal from HoangSa.org that I uploaded earlier.

http://hoangsa.org/gallery/showp ... es-shoal&cat=71

Author: zainmahmud Time: 6-1-2014 07:05 PM

BotakChinPeng posted on 5-1-2014 09:06 PM
Those pictures and story proves what ?

Just about any country on earth can publish a photo of t ...

Baca n fahamkan betul2 la.. Akai ada pakai..

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 7-1-2014 05:32 AM

zainmahmud posted on 6-1-2014 07:05 PM
Baca n fahamkan betul2 la.. Akai ada pakai..

mau berdalih apa lagi

Author: zainmahmud Time: 8-1-2014 01:12 AM
Navy sendiri pon mengaku shadow fleet china tu, ada pulak budak botak cin peng hingus dok berdolak dalih...

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 8-1-2014 03:49 AM

zainmahmud posted on 8-1-2014 01:12 AM
Navy sendiri pon mengaku shadow fleet china tu, ada pulak budak botak cin peng hingus dok berdolak d ...

bideo ada bideo ?

Tak ada video pengakuan TLDM .....tak caya

Author: zainmahmud Time: 8-1-2014 08:51 AM

BotakChinPeng posted on 8-1-2014 03:49 AM
bideo ada bideo ?

Tak ada video pengakuan TLDM .....tak caya

Stupidity plus arrogance equal to bodoh sombong

Author: alphawolf Time: 9-1-2014 02:23 PM
Ko ingat TLDM manjang nak keluarkan video?

Author: BotakChinPeng Time: 9-1-2014 07:59 PM

zainmahmud posted on 8-1-2014 08:51 AM
Stupidity plus arrogance equal to bodoh sombong

What has stupidity and arrogance got to do with asking for video evidence ?

The words of a newspaper employee is not good enough. They have a habit of misquoting people.

Author: zainmahmud Time: 10-1-2014 03:38 AM
This one from malaysian defence:

KUALA LUMPUR: The contract which will kick off the construction of the LCS/SGPV is expected to be signed by the end of the month, Royal Malaysian Navy chief Admiral Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Jaafar said today.

He however declined to say when actual construction for the first of the six-class LCS/SGPV will start as according to him, it depended on various factors. He said currently Boustead Naval Shipyard personnel were in France to finalise details on RMN’s latest vessel – expected to be in service by 2018.

Abdul Aziz admitted that it was quite important for the construction of the LCS/SGPV to start as soon as possible as the RMN was facing challenges in its ability to conduct its maritime operations as mandated by the government due to lack of hulls. He said RMN was involved in in eight operations presently which forced the command to be “very intelligent” to allocate precious resources.

Currently, RMN ships goes to sea for two weeks before returning to base for two days to refuel and re-supply before going back to sea for another two weeks patrol. Abdul Aziz admitted the high operational tempo was affecting morale and that was the reason he had emphasised to his commanders to ensure that their crew’s welfare and their families were taken care off

He declined to say the navy was facing a crisis,instead, calling the situation as a challenge to the RMN. He admitted however that if new assets were not made available in the future, RMN will be facing a crisis.

Abdul Aziz said they nearly got to procure the Nakhoda Ragam corvettes which were very similar to the Jebat class frigates. However due to budgetary reasons, the ex-Brunei corvettes went elsewhere, with reports suggesting that the three were by Indonesia. He said they were interested in acquiring vessels retired from other navies to ease the challenges but in the end it will depend the ships offered.

Abdul Aziz was speaking to reporters after delivering the annual RMN New Year Message at Wisma Pertahanan today. Some 500 Navy officers and other ranks were present at the event which was simulcast live to various RMN facilities across the country.

Meanwhile, Abdul Aziz said KD Kasturi, the first ship in the 22 Corvette Squadron had been declared operational following the completion of its SLEP programme. With the completion of the SLEP on Kasturi, its sister ship KD Lekir is currently at the Boustead Naval Shipyard facility to undergo the same refit programme.

The other corvette squadron, Skdn 24, is also undergoing a refit programme which will see the four Laksamana class ships be re-designated called Fast Attack Craft (Gun). Yes, the Laksamana class missile systems, the Aspide and the Otomat, have been retired as their RTN-10X fire control radar with Mk10 Argo fire control system are obsolete. A new electro-optical director will be used to control the 76mm and 40mm guns. The Laksamana class will also no longer be capable of anti-submarine warfare as their torpedo launchers have been transferred to the Kasturi and Lekir.

Funds for the above programmes mentioned above is the allocation for the RMN for this year. For ESSCOM, the Navy is set to commission two new vessels, a RHIB and a speedboat, both capable of doing 60 knots. Both vessels were built locally, the RHIB from a Muar shipyard while the speedboat from another yard from Johor Bahru.

– Malaysian Defence

Related Posts:

Last edited by zainmahmud on 10-1-2014 04:16 AM

Author: johnelie Time: 16-6-2023 04:09 PM
I can provide some general insights on factors that may influence a country's approach to its relationship with another country:

Economic considerations: China is a major economic power and a significant trading partner for many countries, including Malaysia. Economic ties, such as trade agreements and investment opportunities, can shape a country's approach to its relationship with China. Economic benefits can mitigate potential concerns or fears.

Diplomatic engagement: Diplomatic negotiations and engagements can help countries address concerns and resolve conflicts through peaceful means. Malaysia, like any country, may choose to engage in diplomatic dialogue to manage its relationship with China effectively.

Geopolitical considerations: Geopolitical factors, such as regional security dynamics, can influence a country's approach to its relationship with China. Malaysia may take into account its geopolitical interests and strive for a balanced approach that ensures its own security while maintaining relationships with various nations.

International alliances: Malaysia may be part of international alliances or organizations that provide support and security assurances, which may contribute to its confidence in managing its relationship with China.

Domestic factors: Domestic considerations, such as public opinion and domestic politics, can shape a country's stance towards China. Public sentiment, national interests, and political dynamics within Malaysia may influence the country's approach to China.

It is worth noting that country-to-country relationships are complex and multifaceted, and they evolve over time. It would be necessary to refer to recent developments and specific geopolitical circumstances to understand the current dynamics between Malaysia and China.

Author: NameMixa Time: 16-6-2023 11:37 PM
The Malaysian government's muted reaction to China's naval exercise near Zhengmu Reef, despite its proximity to Malaysia, can be attributed to several factors. First, Malaysia perceives its relationship with China as unique and potentially special compared to its neighboring countries. Although other Southeast Asian nations like Cambodia and Myanmar may have closer political ties with China, Malaysia sees itself as having a distinct understanding with Beijing.
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While Malaysia acknowledges China's military build-up and potential security challenges, there is a belief that both countries have implicitly agreed to respect each other's legitimate interests and avoid escalating disputes through public statements or the media. This approach emphasizes diplomacy and behind-the-scenes channels for addressing concerns and grievances.

Additionally, Malaysia places significant value on the historical significance of its relationship with China. This historical context may contribute to a cautious and measured response, aiming to maintain the overall stability of the bilateral relationship.

It's worth noting that this interpretation is based on the information provided in the article and may not capture the entirety of Malaysia's perspective. International relations are complex, and various factors can influence a country's response to specific events or actions by other nations.

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