I live in Sheikh Jarrah. For Palestinians, this is not a ‘real estate dispute’
Lucy GarbettLucy Garbett is a researcher at the London School of Economics and Social Science based in Jerusalem
The threat to our neighbours’ homes is the latest chapter in a long campaign to erase the Palestinian presence in Jerusalem
Sheikh Jarrah today smells of dirty socks and rotting flesh. Israeli police vehicles, known as “skunk trucks”, have been spraying Palestinian homes, shops, restaurants, public spaces and cultural institutions with putrid water at high pressure. The water causes vomiting, stomach pain and skin irritation, and was originally developed by an Israeli company to repel protesters. The stench lasts for days on clothes, skin and homes, leading Palestinians to joke that Jerusalem all smells like shit. Protesters are also targeted in other ways. They are brutally beaten, arrested by the police, some on mounted horses, attacked by settlers and sprayed with rubber bullets.
These forms of collective punishment aim to stop the growing movement to save Sheikh Jarrah and halt the dispossession of 27 Palestinian families of their homes there. My family has lived in Jerusalem for several generations since they fled the Armenian genocide in 1915. In 1948, during the Nakba, they were expelled from their home in West Jerusalem and found refuge in the city’s eastern part. Now we live in Sheikh Jarrah and my neighbours are about to be expelled from their homes.
Every day for the past month, Palestinians from all walks of life have gathered in the neighbourhood to share iftar, the breaking of Ramadan fast, outside homes that are under threat: laughing and sharing jokes, together despite the gravity of the situation. Chants and singing start after prayers, only to be met by settlers’ taunts and police repression.
Now the neighbourhood has been transformed into a military zone. Checkpoints at every turn allow residents only into the area, blocking us off from the world. We must endure this harassment from settlers and police alike for simply living in our homes.
While Sheikh Jarrah makes the headlines, this type of harassment and settler violence is not new. Last September, on the day my grandmother passed away, my car was graffitied with “Arabs are shit”. Just two weeks ago, to celebrate Orthodox Easter, I tried to attend the annual parade held by the Syriac and Armenian communities I am part of. Along with other Palestinians, I was assaulted by police officers and prevented from entering the Old City. A few weeks later, worshippers were brutally assaulted as they prayed in al-Aqsa mosque. As Palestinians, we feel every expression of our identity is being erased and marginalised.
Israel’s discriminatory policies in Jerusalem, including planned displacement, is constant. We are discussed as a “demographic timebomb” by Israeli planners and officials. In this city, the idea of a “demographic balance” between Arabs and Jews underpins municipal planning and state actions. Since the illegal occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, Israeli policy has focused on keeping a 70:30 ratio of Jews to Arabs in the city – later adjusted to a 60:40 ratio when authorities said this was “not attainable”. This is done in myriad ways, including settlement construction wedging in Palestinian neighbourhoods, home demolitions and revocation of residency rights.
Since 1967, an estimated 14,500 Palestinians have been stripped of their residency status. In order to obtain ID cards, Palestinian Jerusalemites have to constantly prove that Jerusalem continues to be their “centre of life”, through proof of rental agreements and bills in their name. This comes with a surprise home visit, to check you really do live in the house, and has included looking to see if toothbrushes have been used in the bathroom. If Jerusalemites leave the country or reside in the West Bank, their residency status is revoked, leaving them without official documents and unable to return home. Every five years I must present myself at the Israeli Ministry of Interior with proof of my residence in Jerusalem and provide transcripts of any course I have taken during my university studies in the UK. On each visit, we are subjected to humiliating and invasive questioning, and each time we worry they may take away our only way to remain.
There have been many attempts to portray the cases of dispossession in Jerusalem, and Sheikh Jarrah specifically, as isolated, individual incidents, painting them as “real estate disputes” that drag on for years in court. But for Palestinians, Sheikh Jarrah is simply a microcosm of life in Jerusalem. It symbolises the continuing ethnic cleansing of our land and homes. Palestinians are enduring erasure, marginalisation and displacement, and they are prevented from the basic right of returning to their original homes and properties.
A grocery store owner in Sheikh Jarrah recently told me: “Our entire lives have just been this … oppression, oppression, oppression. They won’t let us live.” Now, Palestinians everywhere are taking to the streets and demanding their right to life, a life that is free and dignified in their homeland. Sheikh Jarrah is the battle for Jerusalem. After a long experience with Israel’s regime of dispossession, we know what is at stake: our very place in the city. And as bombs drop on Gaza and demonstrations erupt all over the country, Israeli mobs with police complicity march in the streets chanting “death to Arabs”, attempting to lynch Arabs and destroy Palestinian shops and cars. Palestinians, no matter where we reside, are standing up together. Our only option is to live free, and for that to happen, Israel’s impunity must end.
Tony Walker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
What’s next in the latest Middle East convulsion? Will a ceasefire between the Hamas militant group in Gaza and Israel be brokered by Arab mediators in coordination with western powers, or will the situation continue to deteriorate?
Are we witnessing the beginning of an intensifying conflict in which Israelis find themselves enveloped in a bloody confrontation with Palestinians across the occupied territories and, more threateningly, inside Israel itself?
Will Israel become enmeshed in widespread communal unrest on its own territory in Arab towns and villages?
In short, are we witnessing the early stages of a third intifada, in which casualties mount on both sides until the participants exhaust themselves?
We’ve seen all this before – in 1987 and 2000. Then, as now, violence spread from territories occupied in the 1967 war into Israel itself.
There are no simple answers to these questions as the crisis enters its second week, with casualties mounting.
In part, the next stage depends on the level of violence Israel is prepared to inflict on Hamas. It is also conditional on Hamas’s tolerance of Israeli airstrikes and artillery fire.
Read more: With diplomacy all but abandoned, Israel and the Palestinians are teetering on another war
It will also rely on the extent to which Israel feels its interests continue to be served by courting widespread international opprobrium for its offensive against Hamas, as the militant group’s leadership is embedded in a densely packed civilian population in Gaza.
This is far from a cost-free exercise for Israel, despite the bravado from its leadership, embroiled in a lingering internal crisis over the country’s inability to elect majority government.
Political paralysis is not the least of Israel’s problems.
As always, the issue is not whether Israel has a right to defend itself against rocket attacks on its own territory. The question is whether its response is disproportionate, and whether its chronic failure to propagate a genuine peace process is fuelling Palestinian resentment.
The short answer is “yes”, whatever legitimate criticisms might be made of a feckless Palestinian leadership divided between its two wings: the Fatah mainstream in Ramallah and Hamas in Gaza.
Israel’s continued provocative construction of settlements in the West Bank, and the daily humiliations it inflicts on a disenfranchised Palestinian population in Arab East Jerusalem, contribute to enormous frustration and anger among people living under occupation.
If nothing else, the latest upsurge of violence between Israelis and Palestinians should persuade the international community that occupation and subjugation of one population by another is a dead-end street.
Further complicating things for the Israeli leadership are the circumstances that led to the latest conflagration. This has lessened international sympathy for the extreme measures Israel is using, aiming to bomb the Hamas leadership into submission.
Israeli authorities’ attempts to evict Palestinian families in East Jerusalem from homes they had occupied for 70 years, accompanied by highly provocative demonstrations by extremist Jewish settlers chanting “death to Arabs”, has contributed to a sharp deterioration in relations.
Read more: Fifty years on from the Six Day War, the prospects for Middle East peace remain dim
This was followed by a heavy-handed Israeli police response to Palestinian demonstrations in and around Al-Aqsa mosque, Islam’s third-holiest shrine. In turn, this prompted Hamas rocket strikes into Israel itself from Gaza.
The International Crisis Group has identified the issue that should be most concerning to Israel and its supporters:
This occasion is the first since the September 2000 intifada where Palestinians have responded simultaneously and on such a massive scale throughout much of the combined territory of Israel-Palestine to the cumulative impact of military occupation, repression, dispossession and systemic discrimination.
In a global propaganda war over Israel’s continued occupation of five million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the issue of who started this latest convulsion is relevant.
So, too, are questions surrounding Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s attempts to cling to power as a corruption trial wends its way through the Israeli court system.
Collateral damage to Israel’s reputation is an unavoidable consequence of the use of a heavy bombardment against Hamas targets in one of the world’s most densely populated areas.
There are two million Palestinians in Gaza, a narrow strip of land between Israeli territory and the Mediterranean Sea. Many are living in refugee camps their families have occupied since they fled Israel in 1948, in what Palestinians refer to as the nakba, or catastrophe.
The deaths of an extended Palestinian family at the weekend whose three-storey home was demolished by an Israeli airstrike is a grating reminder of fallout from the use of weapons of war in civilian areas.
This is the reality of a population held hostage to an unresolved – and possibly unresolvable – conflict involving Palestinians living under occupation.
So far, international reaction has been muted. The United States and its allies have gone through the motions in condemning the violence.
US President Joe Biden, in a phone call with Netanyahu, seemed to endorse Israel’s heavy hand. Biden’s conciliatory tone has drawn widespread criticism in view of the shocking images emanating from Gaza. These include live footage of a building housing foreign media being destroyed by an Israeli airstrike.
US President Joe Biden has so far appeared to endorse Israel’s heavy hand. AAP/EPA/Tasos Katopodis
Belatedy, the US has sent an envoy to the region.
In Australia, politicians from both sides have called for a de-escalation.
Regionally, Arab states have expressed their support for the Palestinian cause, but remarks by their leaders have been restrained.
However, circumstances leading to the outbreak of violence, notably Israeli policing of demonstrations in places sacred to Muslims, have left Arab leaderships no choice but to condemn Israel’s actions.
A hitherto limp US response reflects the Biden administration’s hope that the Israel-Palestine issue would not be allowed to intrude on Washington’s wider Middle East foreign policy efforts. Biden is trying to entice Iran back to the negotiating table to re-energise the nuclear peace deal ripped up by former President Donald Trump.
Part of this strategy has been to calm Israel’s concerns about renewed US efforts to re-engage Iran. Those efforts have been complicated by the violence of recent days.
Washington has been reminded, if that was necessary, that the toxic Palestinian issue could not simply be shoved aside, however much the US and its moderate Arab allies would like it to go away. This was always an unrealistic expectation.
Read more: Trump's Middle East 'vision' is a disaster that will only make things worse
Israeli violence against Palestinians in retaliation for rocket attacks on its territory is an embarrassment for Arab states that had established diplomatic relations with Israel under pressure from the Trump administration.
The so-called Abraham Accords, involving an exchange of ambassadors between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, is at risk of being discredited in the eyes of the Arab world by the latest conflagration.
Other Arab states that established diplomatic relations with Israel, brokered by Trump officials, include Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco. Sporadic demonstrations in support of the Palestinians have occurred in the latter two countries.
Finally, this latest conflict between Israelis and Palestinians exposes the failure of various parties to advance a peace agreement based on a two-state solution.
That prospect appears further away than ever, and may even be dead given Israel’s declared intention to annex territory in the West Bank. Such action would end any possibility of compromise based on land swaps to accommodate Israeli settlements in areas contiguous with Israel itself.
These are bleak moments for those who might have believed at the time of the Oslo Declaration in 1993, and subsequent establishment of relations between Israel and the leadership of the Palestinian national movement, that peace might be possible at last.
We are now a very long way indeed from Oslo.
Read more: Twenty-five years after the Oslo Accords, the prospect of peace in the Middle East remains bleak
Associate professor of operations research, Goodman School of Business, Brock University
Disclosure statementMichael J. Armstrong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.Associate professor of operations research, Goodman School of Business, Brock University
Most of my research uses mathematical models to analyze the performance of businesses and other organizations. Why do they get the results they get? If they changed how they operate, would their performance get better or worse?
Much of my work has used models of military combat to investigate topics concerning international security and military history. I have studied rocket defenses on land (e.g., Israel's Iron Dome) and missile warfare at sea (e.g., anti-ship cruise missiles). I have also worked with historians to reexamine key battles from the past (e.g., Balaclava, Gettysburg, and Coral Sea).
More recently I have been studying Canada's cannabis legalization. I am particularly interested in how government regulations interact with business practices to either support or undermine policy objectives.
I have also collaborated on research about university teaching and learning. Our goal has been to help university students make better decisions about their studies.
I teach courses in quality improvement, game theory, and operations management. My professional certifications are from the American Society for Quality.
I enjoy helping the news media explain complex issues to the public. I have done more than 350 media interviews, written more than 80 columns for print and online news outlets, and occasionally comment via Twitter.
Experience
2008–presentAssociate professor, Brock University
2004–2008
Associate professor, Carleton University
2001–2004
Assistant professor, Carleton University
1998–2001
Assistant professor, Royal Military College of Canada
Education
1996
University of British Columbia, PhD in Business (Management Science)
Publications
2021
Legal cannabis market shares during Canada’s first year of recreational legalization, International Journal of Drug Policy 88, Feb, 103028
2020
How gaps between target and midcourse grades impact undergraduates’ studying intentions and grade improvements, Decision Sciences Journal of Innovative Education 18 #4, 549-567
2018
The effectiveness of rocket attacks and defenses in Israel, Journal of Global Security Studies 3 #2 113-132
2017
Influence of target and actual grades on studying intentions, The International Journal of Management Education 15 #1 49-59
2015
Is the second time the charm for students repeating introductory finance?, Journal of Financial Education 41 #1 32-49
2015
A counterfactual study of the Charge of the Light Brigade, Historical Methods 48 #2 80-89
2015
Refighting Pickett’s Charge: mathematical modeling of the Civil War battlefield, Social Science Quarterly 96 #4 1153–1168
2014
Modeling short-range ballistic missile defense and Israel’s Iron Dome system, Operations Research 62 #5 1028-1039
2014
The salvo combat model with a sequential exchange of fire, Journal of the Operational Research Society 65 #10 1593-1601
2014
The performance of new and repeating students in introductory economics, Journal of the Academy of Business Education 15 Spring 84-96
2013
To repeat or not to repeat a course, Journal of Education for Business 88 #6 339-344
2013
A preliminary study of grade forecasting for students, Decision Sciences Journal of Innovative Education 11 #2 193-210
2013
The salvo combat model with area fire, Naval Research Logistics 60 #8 652-660
2011
Inventory flow in Canadian candy bar supply chains, Production and Inventory Management Journal 47 #2, 69-78
2011
A verification study of the stochastic salvo combat model, Annals of Operations Research 186 #1, 23-38
Professional Memberships
American Society for Quality
Institute for Operations Research & Management Science
Canadian Operational Research Society
Society for Military History ( so siapa kata elemen SIRAH tidak penting ? itulah u see? even negara maju pun tak kesampingkan subjek ni)
Research Areas
Economic Development Policy (160505)
Health Economics (140208)
Stochastic Analysis And Modelling (010406)
Simulation And Modelling (080110)
Higher Education (130103)
Quality Management (150313)
Defence Studies (160604)
Operations Research (010206)
Honours
Fulbright Visiting Research Chair (2013-2014), Chancellor's Chair for Teaching Excellence (2012-20
( NAMPAK KESAN PANDANGAN ALAM/ 'secular worldview ' MEREKA : istilah miltant digunakan instead of ' freedom fighters for palestine' . so careful dengan apa apa istilah depa gunakan untuk membentuk persepsi - konsep makna )
Gaza militants have launched their “Sword of Jerusalem” rocket war with Israel by firing a symbolic salvo at Jerusalem and bigger ones elsewhere. Israel’s “Guardian of the Walls” operation responded with Iron Dome interceptors at home and airstrikes in Gaza.
As someone who’s researched Israeli missile defence systems for several years, the situation initially seemed to me like a repeat of their 2014 conflict, which showcased Israel’s advanced defences. But militants in Gaza have enhanced their rocket technology and tactics. That’s reminiscent of 2008, when Israel was more vulnerable to rockets and waged a three-week military offensive against Gaza.
According to the Israel Defense Forces, roughly 3,100 rockets have been fired from Gaza. That’s about as many as during the seven-week battle in 2014. (All rocket numbers in this article were reported by the Israel Defense Forces or Israel Security Agency. There is no way to independently verify most of them.)
Israeli news reports say they’ve caused 10 civilian deaths and more than 564 injuries, while Israeli countermeasures have killed almost 200 Palestinians and resulted in scenes of carnage and devastation.
Rockets fired per year from Gaza toward Israel, from 2005 to 16 May 2021, according to Israel Defence Forces/Israel Security Agency. Created by Michael Armstrong from published Israeli data.
The most noticeable change this year is larger quantities. Gaza militants fired 470 rockets during the first 24 hours and have averaged 408 per day. Those numbers easily beat the one-day maximums of 316 in 2012 and 192 in 2014.
The firing is also better co-ordinated. Rather than launching many small attacks spread across the day, they’ve unleashed larger salvos of up to 137 rockets within five minutes. That’s much improved, though still far slower than regular armyartillery units.
Accuracy has improved, too. About 50 per cent of the rockets arriving over Israel have threatened populated areas. That’s up from 22 per cent in 2012 and 18 per cent in 2014. Fewer rockets land in empty fields after missing their targets.
Larger, longer-range rockets are also more common now. During previous conflicts, Israel’s southern cities endured most of the fire. This time, Tel Aviv, in central Israel more than 55 kilometres from Gaza’s border, is routinely targeted.
Rocket reliability, however, has dropped. About 15 per cent have failed at launch, versus under 10 per cent during previous conflicts.
Destructive impact
The improved technology and tactics make barrages more destructive. My calculations suggest at least 134 rockets have hit populated areas.
During the first four days of this conflict, one Israeli died for every 206 rockets reaching the country. That approaches the one-per-204 rate of 2008, when Israel’s defences were weaker. By comparison, it took 270 rockets to kill a civilian in 2012 and 1,429 in 2014.
The injury rate, about one for every three rockets arriving overhead, also resembles 2008. And many buildings have been damaged.
Israeli firefighters works at the site where a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip hit the central Israeli town of Holon, near Tel Aviv. (AP Photo/Heidi Levine)
These results imply that shock-and-awe destruction is the 2021 strategy of Gaza militants. By comparison, the 2014 operation mostly featured economic attrition. Israel suffered relatively few civilian casualties but heavy financial costs from the prolonged disruption.
In this July 2014 photo, an Iron Dome air defence system fires to intercept a rocket from Gaza Strip in the costal city of Ashkelon, Israel. (AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov)
Are they always achieving it now?
With bigger barrages and greater accuracy, more rockets are arriving together above each target. That means there’s more risk the interceptors will become overloaded and let some rockets through.
Suppose the systems sometimes block “only” 80 per cent of rockets. That’s still impressive. But it means the portion penetrating then doubles from 10 to 20 per cent, causing twice the destruction.
My research seven years ago analyzed this tactic. It showed that high-performing interceptors can seem “fragile” — once their capacity is exceeded, damage on the ground soars.
That research also studied the idea of firing directly at interceptor systems to disable them. Sure enough, one barrage recently made such an attempt. That was likely a waste of ammo, as their rockets aren’t accurate enough yet for such small targets.
Airstrikes are another Israeli countermeasure. Its aircraft began bombing rocket stockpiles and launchers last week, followed by production sites and other targets.
But while its bombers can destroy rocket stockpiles and workshops, they don’t have much immediate effect on firing rates. My analysis of previous operationsfound that airstrikes didn’t decrease daily fire rates; only ground assaults did that
A woman reacts while standing near the rubble of a building that was destroyed by an Israeli airstrike on Saturday that housed The Associated Press, broadcaster Al-Jazeera and other media outlets in Gaza City. (AP Photo/Adel Hana)What next?
But it will likely run out of long-range rockets sooner, making a truce look more attractive. Israel might favour a truce soon, too, as it runs out of meaningful airstrike targets.
Let’s hope that truce happens soon. The alternatives are a prolonged war of aerial attrition, or a costly ground battle in Gaza.
MAY 11, 2021
10 key findings about Jewish Americans
BY BECKA A. ALPER AND ALAN COOPERMAN
Jews in the United States are on the whole less religious than the overall public, at least by standard measures used in surveys. But Jewish Americans participate in a wide range of culturally Jewish activities as well as traditional religious practices.
A new Pew Research Center report, based on a survey of 4,718 Jewish American adults fielded from Nov. 19, 2019, to June 3, 2020, takes a closer look at these and many other topics. Here are 10 key findings from the report.
ada 10 penemuan , antaranya salah satu
A large majority of U.S. Jews (82%) say caring about Israel is either “essential” or “important” to what being Jewish means to them. About six-in-ten (58%) say they are at least somewhat attached to Israel, and those who have been to Israel are especially likely to feel this way (79%). But there are sharp partisan differences in attitudes toward Israel. At the time of the survey – conducted during the final 14 months of President Donald Trump’s administration – Jewish Democrats and Democratic leaners were much more likely than Jewish Republicans and GOP leaners to say the U.S. was too supportive of Israel (29% vs. 5%).
Overall, more than half of U.S. Jews also gave a negative rating to Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s prime minister for more than a decade. Even so, when it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, just over six-in-ten U.S. Jews (63%) say they think a way can be found for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully.
You want to read the rest ? please go to this site
On Palestine is Noam Chomsky and Ilan Pappe's indispensable update on a suffering region.
What is the future of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement directed at Israel? Which is more viable, the binational or one state solution? Operation Protective Edge, Israel's most recent assault on Gaza, left thousands of Palestinians dead and cleared the way for another Israeli land grab. The need to stand in solidarity with Palestinians has never been greater.
Ilan Pappé and Noam Chomsky, two leading voices in the struggle to liberate Palestine, discuss these critical questions and more in this urgent and timely book, a sequel to their acclaimed Gaza in Crisis.
Satu lagi bahan bacaan yang kami syorkan untuk untuk ditelaah sekitar penindasan dan kekejaman projek Zionis Israel terhadap Palestin.
Pentingnya buku ini kerana dikarang oleh seorang intelektual awam yang tersohor di Amerika, Noam Chomsky; seorang ahli falsafah bahasa dan prolifik dalam menulis tentang politik dan media. Beliau juga merupakan seorang yang lantang mengkritik pembantaian Zionist terhadap rakyat Palestin dan buku ditulis khas tentang itu.
The Nakba Explained
The State of Israel was formed following the mass expulsion of nearly a million Palestinians. We take a look back at what happened. May 15, 2017 at 9:31 pm | Published in: Explained, International Organisations, Israel, Middle East, News, Palestine, UN, Videos & Phot
source: https://www.middleeastmonitor.co ... oGLEje6QklBpmNtVIgg
15 May 1948 marks the Nakba, the Catastrophe inflicted upon the Palestinian people by the Zionists. To the Israelis though, the date marks the establishment of the Jewish State. Today, some 6.5 million Palestinian refugees cling to their right to return to their land. But how did it all start? Pre-1948
Despite popular belief that the Palestine-Israel conflict is thousands of years old, it only really goes back to about the early 1900s.
In the late 1800s, Palestine was under Ottoman rule. At the time, Jews accounted for around 3% of the population, Muslims to 87% and Christians 10%. People from all three faiths lived together in peace.
Following the First Zionist Congress in Basel in 1897, convened and chaired by Theodor Herzl, and continuing into the early 20th century, Jewish immigration to Palestine intensified. Between 1920 and 1939, the Jewish population of Palestine increased by over 320,000 people.
World War I brought the defeat of the Ottoman Empire, and Palestine became a British mandate. Then WWII broke out and with it, the holocaust. The post-WWII period saw a rise in anti-colonial nationalist sentiments and the winding down of colonial powers. Zionists saw an opportunity to establish a state for themselves during this period of decolonisation, ironically kick-starting a settler-colonial enterprise of their own.
With the defeat of Germany, a steady flow of Jews came from eastern Europe to settle in Palestine. Tensions ran high in the holy land, and on 29 November 1947, and against the will of the indigenous Palestinian population, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 181, stipulating the partition of Palestine between Arabs and Jews and giving the Arab population 43% of the land. The Arab League unanimously rejected the partition plan as unjust. War became inevitable.
The Nakba of 1948
15 May 1948 was the day set for the official termination of the British mandate. David Ben-Gurion, the Executive Head of the World Zionist Organisation at the time and later the first Prime Minister of Israel, declared the establishment of the State of Israel the day before.
War broke out and some 750,000 Palestinians were forced out, many of them fleeing as a result of direct assaults on their towns and villages, and others out of fear of massacres by Jewish militias. This exodus came to be known as the Palestinian Nakba, or the Catastrophe. Soon after, the first Israeli government passed a series of laws banning refugees from returning their homes or claiming their property.
In the 3 years from May 1948 to the end of 1951, some 700,000 Jews settled in the newly founded state. 19 years later, in 1967, Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and started constructing illegal settlements across the Palestinian territories.
The right of Return
During the Nakba, more than 400 Palestinian villages and town were depopulated or destroyed. Many of them were then either resettled by Jewish immigrants or rebuilt as Jewish towns and given Hebrew names. Following the Palestinian exodus of 1948, the UN set up refugee camps and humanitarian relief for the refugees, creating the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in the process.
Today, the Palestinian refugees and their descendants are estimated to number more than 6.5 million. The UN passed Resolution 194 on 11 December 1948 to guarantee the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and villages and to be compensated for their loss, and has reaffirmed it every year since.
…the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property…
Israel, however, maintains that the return of Palestinians to their homes "threatens" its Jewish character, in what critics consider a demonstration of religious and ethnic discrimination against the indigenous Palestinian Muslim and Christian populations, particularly as Jews from all over the world are allowed to immigrate to Israel under Israel's "Law of Return".
Although UNRWA was set up as a temporary agency to provide relief for refugees until their return, the General Assembly has repeatedly renewed UNRWA's mandate pending the just resolution of the question of the Palestine refugees. Today, UNRWA is severely underfunded, leaving millions of refugees vulnerable.
Palestinians continue to see the right of return as an essential component of a comprehensive solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, addressing historical injustices levelled against the indigenous non-Jewish population.
The Nakba that began in 1948 is still in living memory, and until it ends it will remain in the memories of those Palestinians still denied the right to live on the lands of their grandfathers.
Football stars Paul Pogba and Amad Diallo display public support for Palestine
Man United duo Paul Pogba and Amad Diallo waved a Palestinian flag after playing the English football team's final home game of the season. May 19, 2021 at 3:10 pm | Published in: Europe & Russia, Israel, Middle East, News, Palestine, UK, Videos & Photo Stories
The public display of support for Palestine comes amid Israel's relentless bombardment of the Gaza Strip, which has led to the death of at least 219 Palestinians, including 63 children, and wounded more than 1,500 people since it began on 10 May.
Following the match, Pogba posted an image of himself holding the Palestine flag on Instagram alongside the caption: "Let's keep our world safe and free from violence. Pray for Palestine."210519_trn_manchester-united-palestine_cbm_1_mp4_dvd.mp4
The football players joined British actor Idris Elba, Roger Waters,Bella Hadid, John Cusack, and other global figures who have shared their views on the Israeli aggression on Palestinians in Gaza and Jerusalem's Sheikh Jarrah.
Other high-profile figures who have spoken out against Israeli attacks on the Palestinians, however, later deleted their posts. They include F1 champion Sir Lewis Hamilton and American model Kendall Jenner.
On Sunday, American model Paris Hilton tweeted a Guardian article about Israel vowing not to stop Gaza attacks until there was "complete quiet" with the message: "This is so heartbreaking. This needs to stop! #SavePalestine #GazaUnderAttack #stopthegenocide."
She followed it up by sharing a video of a ten-year-old Palestinian girl breaking down after air strikes destroyed her neighbour's house, killing eight children.
"This hurts my heart. No one should have to live in fear. My heart goes out to the little girl and the other children around her," Hilton tweeted to her 17 million followers.
Hours later, both tweets disappeared and were replaced by a neutral caption instead, which said: "Sending love and light around the world. Praying for peace to make the world a better place for all."
Siaran langsung selama satu jam tiga puluh minit kita bersolidariti untuk saudara-saudara kita yang sedang berjuang di Palestin. Forum Perdana Ehwal Islam bertajuk "Palestin...Dunia Menangis Keranamu". Sama-sama nyatakan sokongan anda pada malam ini bersama-sama kami.
اللَّهُمَّ أَنْجِ إخواننا في غزة اللَّهُمَّ أَنْجِ إخواننا في فلسطين اللَّهُمَّ أَنْجِ الْمُسْتَضْعَفِينَ مِنْ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ اللَّهُمَّ اشْدُدْ وَطْأَتَكَ عَلَى الصهاينة المعتدين اللَّهُمَّ اجْعَلْهَا سِنِينَ كَسِنِي يُوسُف
Maksudnya: Ya Allah selamatkanlah saudara-saudara kami di Gaza, Ya Allah selamatkanlah saudara-saudara kami di Palestin , Ya Allah selamatkanlah orang-orang yang lemah dari kalangan orang-orang beriman. Ya Allah
Atas pertanyaan ramai saya nak maklumkan bahawa semalam kami di PPMM telah berbincang isu perundangan di Palestin selama lebih 2 jam. Pelbagai isu, naratif dan ramifikasi setiap tindakan diperhalusi satu persatu.
Kesimpulan secara umum yang diambil antaranya adalah:
1. Pembentukan tiga kluster yang akan mengkaji isu perundangan berkaitan tindakan-tindakan yang boleh diambil di ICC, ICJ dan sanction PBB (termasuk semua resolusi yang telah diluluskan PBB). Kajian tidak dihadkan hanya di ICC sahaja tetapi juga ICJ dan beberapa badan antarabangsa yang lain.
2. Memanfaatkan sidang Unversal Periodic Review PBB di Geneva termasuk membuat 'side event' di Palais des Nations Geneva.
3. Kluster-kluster akan mengkaji semua tindakan yang boleh dilakukan terhadap rejim Zionis.
4. Mengenalpasti negara-negara yang boleh menjayakan misi ini termasuk kesatuan negara seperti OIC, Kesatuan Eropah dan lain-lain, memberi pendedahan, tekanan dan saranan kepada mereka.
5. Bekerjasama dengan badan-badan lain yang telahpun memulakan sebarang iniastif yang mempunyai matlamat yang sama agar semua tindakan adalah tersusun, tidak berulang ataupun bertentangan antara satu sama lain.
Saya tidak dapat memberikan butiran yang terperinci kerana ia membabitkan strategi kelak. Jadi secara umum sahaja dinyatakan di sini bagi mengelakkan ketirisan maklumat.
Saya juga mengalu-alukan kepada mereka yang ingin membantu dalam apa jua kapasiti, tenaga, material, bahan rujukan dll silalah berhubung dengan saya agar saya dapat aturkan peranan masing masing.
Article yang saya akan paparkan di bawah adalah ditulis leh seorang Yahudi yg bernama Dr Asif Lubin dan juga seorang Associate Professor . He has impressive CV, well good looking, too hahaha as most of them are actually.
Anyways , dalam naratif Dr Asif Lubin beliau cuba membawa suara yang objective dan memeprihalkan kekejaman regime Zionist cumanya tak banyak dinyatakan rekod rekod krisis kekejaman Zionist pada siri siri serangan zalim mereka yg lepas TERMASUKLAH tragedi Sabra dan Shatila...so kalau dikira dah tak terkira banyaknya kekejaman mereka ini ( it 'll be countless , grosteque massacre done/committed by the IDF lah kan )
The Sabra and Shatila massacre (also known as the Sabra and Chatila massacre)[4][5] was the killing of between 460 and 3,500 civilians, mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shiites, by a militia close to the Kataeb Party (also called Phalange), a predominantly Christian Lebanese right-wing party, in the Sabra neighborhood and the adjacent Shatila refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon. From approximately 18:00 on 16 September to 08:00 on 18 September 1982, a widespread massacre was carried out by the militia in plain sight of the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF), its ally.[6][7][8][9] The Phalanges were ordered by the IDF to clear Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) fighters out of Sabra and Shatila, as part of the IDF maneuvering into West Beirut. The IDF received reports of some of the Phalange atrocities in Sabra and Shatila but did not take any action to prevent or stop the massacre.[10]
so , naratif beliau lebih menjurus kepada prinsip legality dalam undang undang antara bangsa dan pendapatnya tentang mode kekejaman, sejauh mana israe ambil enteng pun kekakangan kekaknagn dan kecaman antarabangsa berkenaan jenaya perang mereka.
Tapi paling i tak suka awat pulak PEJUANG PEMBEBASAN PALESTINE hamas dia juga label war crime TAPI : FRASA DISPROPOTIONATE counter ATTACK bu the Israeli forces tu memang I setuju
tapi tang bab BETUL ke Hamas tak bagi warning tu ( indiscrimately tu ) betul ke?
i tahu yg dalam forum YADIM dimaklumkan ygHAMAS bagi warning.
Israeli je yg berhelah
anyways - beliau tak meletakkan istilah MILITANT' pada HAMAS , so itu bagus.
Asaf Lubin
Associate Professor of Law, Indiana University Disclosure statement
Asaf Lubin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
His CVs - Impressive
NAK TANYA juga ye (" banyak keee " Q1 ke Article beliau hasilkan VERSUS ATAU PENGALAMAN INDUSTRI ke lebih important hmmmmm????? ) look at his CV. Mereka melatih experts yg all rounders ye? i mean pada i wow lah sebab ia menunjukkan they really know what they want , kan? ade je experts yg bebetul mahir ..so i tak rasa depa akan tanya orang macam berapa banyaklah Q1 you tulis ye , judging from his experiences at all levels. i mean ini menunjukkan pemikiran yang i know what i want and how i want it, why i want it. somehow...u know , ini bagus.
Dr. Asaf Lubin is an Associate Professor of Law at Indiana University Maurer School of Law and a Fellow at IU’s Center for Applied Cybersecurity Research (CACR). He is additionally an affiliated fellow at Yale Law School’s Information Society Project, a Faculty Associate at the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard University, and a visiting Scholar at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem Federmann Cyber Security Research Center.
Dr. Lubin’s research centers around the intersection of law and technology, particularly as it relates to the regulation of cybersecurity harms, liabilities, and insurance as well as policy design around governmental and corporate surveillance, data protection, and internet governance. His work draws on his experiences as a former intelligence analyst, Sergeant Major (Res.), with the IDF Intelligence Branch as well as his vast practical training and expertise in national security law and foreign policy. Dr. Lubin’s work additionally reflects his time spent serving as a Robert L. Bernstein International Human Rights Fellow with Privacy International, a London-based non-for-profit devoted to advancing the right to privacy in the digital age and curtailing unfettered forms of governmental and corporate surveillance.
Prior to joining the Maurer School of Law in 2020, Dr. Lubin held numerous academic and governmental positions, including as an affiliate at the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard University, as a cybersecurity policy postdoctoral fellow at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, as an expert contributor to the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Group for the Education for Justice (E4J) Module Series on Cybercrime, as an articled clerk for the International Law Division of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Office of the Legal Advisor, and as an assistant to the Turkel Public Commission of Inquiry into the Maritime Incident of May 31, 2010 established under the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office.
Dr. Lubin holds a dual degree in law and international relations (LLB/BA, magna cum laude, ’14) from Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and a Master of Laws (LLM, ’15) and a Doctor of the Science of Law (JSD, ’20) degrees from Yale Law School. He additionally attended The Hague Academy of International Law and interned for the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Dr. Lubin has previously written on and taught seminars in public and private international law, cybersecurity and cyber risk management, torts law, international human rights and humanitarian law, and criminal procedure and counterterrorism. He has published with the Harvard International Law Journal, the Harvard National Security Journal, the Yale Journal of International Law, and the Chicago Journal of International Law, and written for Just Security and Lawfare.
Experience
2018–present Affiliated Fellow, Information Society Project, Yale Law School
2020–present Associate Professor of Law, Indiana University Maurer School of Law
2017–present Visiting Scholar, Federmann. Cybersecurity Research Center, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
2019–present Faculty Affiliate, Berkman Klein Center, Harvard University
2019–2020 Lecturer, Indiana University Maurer School of Law
2017–2019 Lecturer, Yale University
2015–2019 Lead Instructor, Yale Young Global Scholar
Education
2020 Yale law School, Doctor of the Science of Law (J.S.D.)
2015 Yale Law School, Master of Laws (LL.M.)
2014 Hebrew University Faculty of Law, Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) and Bachelor of Arts in International Relations (B.A.)
Publications
2020 The International Law of Rabble-Rousing, Yale Journal of International Law Online
2020 Examining the Anomalies, Explaining the Value: Should the USA FREEDOM Act’s Metadata Program be Extended?, Harvard National Security Journal
2020 The Liberty to Spy, Harvard International Law Journal
2019 'We Only Spy on Foreigners': The Myth of a Universal Right to Privacy and the Practice of Foreign Mass Surveillance, Chicago Journal of International Law
2018 The Dragon-Kings Restraint: Proposing a Compromise for the EEZ Surveillance Conundrum, Washburn Law Review
Professional Memberships
American Society of International Law
European Society of International Law
American Bar Association
Law and Society Association
Friends of the Jessup
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Bloomington, Indiana, U.S.
Website
@AsafLubin
Article Feed
8128556303
For media enquiries, lubina@iu.edu
ORCID
Joined December 21, 2020
The deadliest fighting in years between Israel and Hamas had by mid-May killed over 200 Palestinians in Gaza, including dozens of children, and at least 10 in Israel. Both sides are accused of violating international law – Israel for its alleged disproportionate bombardment of residential buildings and Palestinian groups for firing rockets on Israeli cities.
International law professor Asaf Lubin explains the rules of warfare – and whether they can be enforced.
Central to international humanitarian law are a core set of principles.
First is the principle of distinction, which obligates warring parties to distinguish between civilians and military targets. Each side can attack only those objects which by their nature, location, purpose or use would offer a definite military advantage if neutralized.
Second is the principle of proportionality, according to which any unavoidable “collateral damage” – such as civilian deaths – cannot be excessive in relation to the direct military advantage anticipated.
Finally, there’s the principle of precautions in attack, which reaffirms the obligation of warring parties do everything feasible to mitigate civilian harms.
So when Hamas indiscriminately fires rockets at Tel Aviv( EH BUKAN HAMAS WARNING DULU KAN dalam islam depa tahu rules ni TA SENTUH WANITA DAN KEKANAK ) , for example, it is a clear violation of international law. Similarly, Israeli attacks on residential high-rises are for many in the international community a war crime, because they are disproportionate and do not offer a definite military advantage.
Israel disagrees, claiming those buildings were used by Hamas to advance its military campaign.
Israel bombed a building that housed the media outlets Associated Press and Al Jazeera, as well as many Palestinian families.2. What happens if Israel or Hamas is alleged to have committed war crimes?
That depends on the will of the international community. We may see an International Criminal Court investigation, U.N. Security Council sanctions or fact-finding missions by the U.N. Human Rights Council.
These kinds of investigations have happened after every previous cycle of violence between Israel and Hamas. Prior reports – like the 2009 Goldstone report, issued by the U.N. Human Rights Council – identified violations of human rights and humanitarian law by both parties. It called for Israel to provide monetary reparations to Palestinian victims or their survivors.
Enforcement, however, has proven largely ineffective. International law simply lacks the necessary tools to hold powerful countries to account.
3. Has Israel complied with the UN’s demands after such investigations?
To varying degrees. Israel in many of those cases did not accept the basic premise that its military practices violated international humanitarian law and therefore did not change course.
But in a few rare occasions Israel did pay compensation. For example, in 2009 Israel paid US$10.5 million to the U.N. for property damage and injuries suffered by the organization during Israel’s attack on Gaza.
When Israel makes such payments, they are done “ex gratia” – lump sum payments made to respond to international pressure without acknowledging any legal responsibility or creating legally binding norms that could be enforced in the future.
Israel is not alone in this practice. Other countries, including the U.S., have made similar ex gratia payments to those harmed in war, without admitting fault or wrongdoing.
4. What is the US position on Israel’s military action in Gaza?
The U.S. now says it supports a cease-fire. But it has blocked U.N. Security Council statements that would have called for such a cease-fire and put blame on Israel, including strong language about Palestinian children dying in large numbers. The U.S. claimed that it blocked those statements because they did not also condemn Hamas for violating international law.
Firefighters put out a fire after a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip struck on May 15, 2021 in Ramat Gan, Israel. Amir Levy/Getty Images
It is a common U.S. stance in Israel-Hamas conflicts to require equality in language on “both sides.” But congressional progressives in the Democratic Party now take a different view. They insist that the U.S. must recognize the power imbalance between Israel, a U.S.-funded military superpower, and Gaza, an occupied territory.
5. Israel was already under International Criminal Court investigation for allegedly committing war crimes against Palestinians. Will the current conflict influence that case?
In March 2021, outgoing International Criminal Court prosecutor Fatou Bensouda opened an investigation into alleged disproportionate Israeli attacks in Gaza – exactly the same kind of attacks at issue now. The investigation also covers Israel’s settlements program in the West Bank.
In a recent interview, Bensouda said that the investigation remained open and that her office is monitoring the current situation very closely – essentially warning Israel to be careful, because the criminal court could hold it to account.
The ongoing violence shows that the threat didn’t deter either side. Israeli leaders often refer to a “legal iron dome” to indicate the general umbrella of protection Israel offers its military personnel from any future criminal prosecution.
6. Have Israel and the US joined the international treatises that establish the rules of war?
Yes, they both ratified the Geneva Conventions, but not their additional protocols. Nonetheless, the international community widely recognizes the rules set out in these agreements as customary law, and they are therefore binding on all countries regardless of whether they signed on.
Headquarters of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands. United Nations7. If neither Israel nor the US complies with international humanitarian law, do these rules actually exist?
International law serves an expressive function, setting a standard for how countries should behave. Over time, we’ve seen these norms play an increasing role in the way countries operate – and what actions are deemed unacceptable.
For example, following the 2009 Goldstone report, Israel committed to making several changes to minimize civilian casualties, including restricting the use of white phosphorous munitions, which cause severe chemical burns.
International humanitarian law is not a panacea for all of the world’s ills. But these rules are a good place to start, and certainly worth fighting for.
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A ceasefire came into force in the Gaza Strip in the early hours of Friday morning after Egypt brokered an agreement between Israel and Hamas to halt 11 days of conflict.
A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the security cabinet had “unanimously accepted the recommendations to accept an Egyptian initiative for an unconditional … ceasefire.”
Palestinian groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad then confirmed the ceasefire in a statement, saying it would come into force at 2:00am on Friday (23:00 GMT on Thursday).
Thousands of people in Gaza and the Palestinian territories poured onto the streets to celebrate the ceasefire, waving flags and flashing V signs for victory.
At least 232 Palestinians, including 65 children, have been killed in the Israeli bombardment.
On the Israeli side, 12 people, including two children, have been killed.
2018–present Associate professor, University of Arizona
2011–2018 Assistant professor, University of Arizona
Education
2006 University of Chicago, Ph.D./Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations
Disclosure statement
Maha Nassar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
-------------------
The world’s attention has turned again to deadly scenes of Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip and the launching of rockets by the militant group Hamas into Israel. It follows two weeks of protests in East Jerusalem against attempts to forcibly displace Palestinians from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah and Israeli police raids on worshippers in the al-Aqsa mosque compound.
But in towns across Israel, another important – and underreported – development is taking place. And it could change how we talk about Palestinians and Israelis.
Since May 9, 2021, thousands of Palestinian citizens of Israel, numbering some 1.9 million people and often referred to as “Arab Israelis,” have taken to the streets to express support for their fellow Palestinians in Gaza and Jerusalem. Protests are taking place in both mixed Arab-Jewish cities like Haifa, Jaffa and Lod, known as Lydda to Palestinians, as well as in predominantly Palestinian cities and towns like Nazareth and Umm al-Fahm.
The size and scope of the demonstrations have surprised many political analysts who usually discuss these Palestinians as part of the Israeli social and political fabric, separate from Palestinians elsewhere.
But as a historian of the Palestinian citizens of Israel, I’m not surprised by this recent turn of events. Palestinian citizens of Israel have a long history of identifying with their fellow Palestinians, though rarely on this scale.
Policy of isolation, integration
As I argue in my book “Brothers Apart,” following the establishment of Israel in 1948, state officials tried to cultivate a sense of loyalty among the minority of Palestinians who remained in their homeland. It was part of a larger Israeli effort to isolate them from the vast majority of Palestinians who either fled or were expelled from the newly established state.
A black-and-white image shows two men pushing a wooden cart of belongings through a city street. An armed man follows them.
Palestinian Arabs being expelled from their home in Haifa in 1948. AFP via Getty Images
These “Arab Israelis” were placed under military rule until 1966 and were unable to directly contact family members living in refugees camps. Most were granted Israeli citizenship in 1952, but they faced a host of discriminatory laws that denied them access to their land, limited their economic opportunities and restricted their movements. While they could vote, form political parties and hold public office, extensive government surveillance – and punishment of those who criticized the state – created a pervasive climate of fear among these Palestinian citizens of Israel.
Discrimination and economic disadvantage continue today. Palestinian towns and villages in Israel face housing shortages and economic underdevelopment. Hiring practices that require job applicants to live in certain areas or to have served in the military – something very few Palestinian citizens do – end up pushing Palestinians into precarious low-wage jobs.
While direct housing discrimination was banned by the courts, Jewish communities often set up admissions committees that effectively limit the number of Palestinian citizens living in majority Jewish towns.
This de facto segregation is also reflected in Israel’s school system. Students in Arab state schools receive less funding per capita than those in majority Hebrew state schools.
In addition, Palestinian citizens are subjected to “stop-and-frisk” police policies. And professionals face everyday forms of racism from some Jewish Israeli colleagues who are surprised by their level of education.
Palestinian citizens of Israel have been protesting these conditions since the founding of the state, but within limits. In 1964, the Arab nationalist Ard group called for “a just solution for the Palestinian question … in accordance with the wishes of the Palestinian Arab people.” In response, the Israeli government banned the group and arrested its leaders on charges of endangering state security.
Centering Palestinian identity
Despite these restrictions, their expressions of Palestinian national identity have grown louder.
Following Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem in 1967, Palestinian citizens of Israel and those under occupation met one another regularly, leading them to develop a sense of joint struggle.
That joint struggle was on display in October 2000 when thousands of Palestinian citizens rallied in Palestinian towns and mixed cities across Israel in support of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories during the second Palestinian intifada, or uprising. Israeli security forces killed 12 unarmed protesting Palestinian citizens of Israel and arrested over 600, undermining the idea that Palestinian citizens could achieve full equality in Israel.
Since then, Israel has launched several economic development and civil service initiatives aimed at integrating Palestinian citizens into the state. But these initiatives have not done much to alleviate the discrimination that Palestinian citizens still face. Moreover, the right-wing shift in Israeli politics has led to even more explicitly racist rhetoric from some quarters, including growing support for expelling Palestinian citizens from Israel altogether.
In response, more Palestinian citizens identify themselves as belonging to one people who are collectively resisting settler colonial rule. A younger generation of grassroots organizers has taken the lead, as seen in the annual commemorations of the Nakba – the loss of Palestine in 1948 – every May 15.
This centering of Palestinian identity was on display in March 2021 in the Palestinian town of Umm al-Fahm. Protests against seemingly local problems – crime and gun violence – turned into an expression of Palestinian national identity as protesters waved Palestinian flags and sang Palestinian songs.
The latest protests around Sheikh Jarrah and incursions in the al-Aqsa compound likewise promote a common Palestinian cause. At a rally in the mixed city of Lydd, a few miles south of Tel Aviv, one Palestinian citizen protester scaled a lamppost and replaced the Israeli flag with a Palestinian one.
Meanwhile, the funeral of Lydd protester Moussa Hassoun on May 11 drew 8,000 mourners as he was laid to rest wrapped in a Palestinian flag. Since then, protests have swelled even further, leading Israeli security officials to impose a curfew on the town and call in reinforcements.
Fragmented no more?
The current protests suggest that Israeli government attempts to isolate Palestinian citizens of Israel from Palestinians in the occupied territories and in exile and to integrate them into the Israeli state have failed. And any heavy-handed reaction to demonstrators could only serve to further alienate Palestinian citizens from the state of Israel.
Scenes of police violently breaking up peaceful protests, Israeli security forces being deployed into Palestinian neighborhoods inside the country, and armed Israeli Jewish vigilantes attacking Palestinians in mixed cities could also, I believe, further reinforce the image of Israel as a colonial power in the minds of not only its marginalized Palestinian minority, but also their international supporters as well.
What could result is a new type of Palestinian mobilization, one that belies the idea of a fragmented people and unites all Palestinian people in a joint struggle.
[This week in religion, a global roundup each Thursday. Sign up.]
Post time 18-5-2021 10:37 PM
Israeli firefighters works at the site where a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip hit the central Israeli town of Holon, near Tel Aviv. (AP Photo/Heidi Levine)
In this July 2014 photo, an Iron Dome air defence system fires to intercept a rocket from Gaza Strip in the costal city of Ashkelon, Israel. (AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov)
A woman reacts while standing near the rubble of a building that was destroyed by an Israeli airstrike on Saturday that housed The Associated Press, broadcaster Al-Jazeera and other media outlets in Gaza City. (AP Photo/Adel Hana)What next?
VERSUS ATAU PENGALAMAN INDUSTRI ke lebih important hmmmmm????? ) look at his CV. Mereka melatih experts yg all rounders ye? i mean pada i wow lah sebab ia menunjukkan they really know what they want , kan? ade je experts yg bebetul mahir ..so i tak rasa depa akan tanya orang macam berapa banyaklah Q1 you tulis ye , judging from his experiences at all levels. i mean ini menunjukkan pemikiran yang i know what i want and how i want it, why i want it. somehow...u know , ini bagus.
